There is a distinct smell emanating from the headquarters of Vision 麻豆传媒映画and the NPA that is getting stronger as election day approaches in November.
It鈥檚 the smell of money.
Money from companies, unions and individuals whose contributions will likely give the city鈥檚 two mainstream parties about $2 million each to spend on their campaigns.
Maybe it will be more.
With no limits on donations or the amount of money a party can spend, contributors are free to empty their wallets or write big cheques in the name of civic politics.
Each party spent more than $2 million in the 2011 race and in excess of $1 million each in the 2008 campaign. Both parties surpassed the $1 million mark in 2005, too.
This time around, Vision is seeking a third majority and, if successful, will continue its reign over city hall until 2018. The NPA, meanwhile, is desperately trying to regain the power it lost in 2008.
As that battle plays out, many city hall watchers question whether multi-million dollar campaigns are truly representative of so-called democratic elections.
Ironically, the current council says they aren鈥檛. So did the council before them and the council before them. Vision, the NPA and COPE are all on record for wanting the big money out of civic politics.
To make that happen, however, the provincial government must change the rules that apply to how civic campaigns are financed.
The minister in charge of the municipal government portfolio, Coralee Oakes, has promised some form of expense limits will be in place for the 2018 election.
So far, the government hasn鈥檛 committed to Vancouver鈥檚 wish to impose a ban on corporate and union donations or a cap on contribution amounts.
In the meantime, the money rolls in.
And as it does, there is a perception out there that politicians favour the very people who finance their campaigns. Not true, say the politicians, including Mayor Gregor Robertson.
鈥淚 don鈥檛 ask for money,鈥� the mayor told the Courier at a Vision fundraiser earlier this year. 鈥淭hat process goes through the political party. Everyone gets a fair shake at council. It鈥檚 a very public process, transparent and consistent with what it鈥檚 been for many years.鈥�
If that鈥檚 true, then what compels people to donate?
It鈥檚 a question the Courier put to three prominent businessmen and a union leader who, as individuals or through their companies and organizations, have given generously to Vision and the NPA.
'CRONY CAPITALISM'
At the top of the list of NPA contributors has been Robert Macdonald, the party鈥檚 former vice-president and head of Macdonald Development Corporation.
His company鈥檚 $960,000 in donations to the NPA in the 2011 campaign, which is believed to be the single biggest total contribution to a civic party in Canadian history, shocked many involved in municipal politics.
At the time, Macdonald was the party鈥檚 chief fundraiser and donated a large office space inside The Hudson building on Granville Street 鈥� one of his projects 鈥� to serve as the NPA鈥檚 headquarters.
His explanation for the $960,000 in donations is this: He committed to raise money for the party. Then a friend who runs a large company fell sick and needed Macdonald to manage his affairs. It left Macdonald little time to hound people for money.
鈥淲hen you make a commitment to get a job done, you鈥檝e got to get it done,鈥� said Macdonald, noting his promise to the NPA鈥檚 then-mayoral candidate and longtime friend, Suzanne Anton. 鈥淲e raised a lot of money from third parties in the campaign but not enough. So I wrote the cheques for the difference.鈥�
Macdonald said he would have obviously preferred to have spent a lesser sum on the campaign. Though he is opposed to a ban on corporate and union donations, Macdonald favours some form of restraint on contributions and spending.
鈥淚鈥檓 completely of the view that that should happen.鈥�
Macdonald鈥檚 generosity has not solely benefited the NPA. He has given money to the campaigns of Vision Coun. Geoff Meggs (鈥淗e鈥檚 a good guy, very level-headed.鈥�) and the late Jim Green, who was Vision鈥檚 mayoral candidate in 2005.
鈥淚 became very close with Jim,鈥� he said. 鈥淗e learned a lot from me and I did from him, too. I loved Jim Green.鈥�
Macdonald even supported the late Harry Rankin, the longtime irascible COPE councillor, who died in 2002, and was a thorn in the NPA鈥檚 side.
鈥淵ou support people that you think are good for the political process, overall. I haven鈥檛 donated to the federal NDP but I鈥檝e certainly donated an immense amount of money to the Liberals over the years, as well as the Conservatives.鈥�
On the question of whether there is an expectation of favours in return for a donation, Macdonald believes some of that quid pro quo occurs at city hall.
鈥淲ithout question, there鈥檚 a significant amount of what I call crony capitalism going on in the City of 麻豆传媒映画today,鈥� he said. 鈥淓verybody in the development industry knows who鈥檚 getting favoured treatment.
We don鈥檛 talk about it much but it鈥檚 crystal clear and that鈥檚 the way it is.鈥�
That said, he denies receiving preferential treatment in the years the NPA held power and said his philosophy when donating money is simply to 鈥渟upport the political process.鈥�
鈥淭here鈥檚 probably nothing more important in our society than who鈥檚 running the government,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e can only support everybody in society, if we have good government.鈥�
GIVING BACK?
It鈥檚 a philosophy shared by big-time condo marketer, art enthusiast and political junkie, Bob Rennie, who earlier this year accepted the role as chairperson of the B.C. Liberals鈥� fundraising team.
鈥淚 believe that if you鈥檙e doing business in the city, you have to give back and you have to participate,鈥� said Rennie, who made headlines in March for a $25,000-a-plate lunch he organized for Mayor Gregor Robertson and Vision 麻豆传媒映画at the Hotel Georgia.
Rennie said he was disappointed by the criticism he received for hosting the lunch. He declined to reveal the number of guests or say how much money was raised.
鈥淚n any other city in the world, people would be wanting to debate policy between Vision and another party with me,鈥� he said. 鈥淗ere, they just want to pick on the act. So when people just pick on the low hanging fruit, I have no respect on where it鈥檚 coming from.鈥�
When asked whether he thought his own $25,000 lunch donation and his work on behalf of Vision 麻豆传媒映画bought influence at city hall, Rennie laughed and said, 鈥淚f it was that easy to get favouritism for $25,000 ... oh my God, I could retire.鈥�
Like Macdonald, Rennie spreads his money around the political field. In 2005, when Christy Clark challenged Sam Sullivan in an NPA mayoral race, Rennie backed Sullivan.
That same year, he donated money to Vision mayoral candidate Jim Green鈥檚 campaign and has since raised funds for Clark and the B.C. Liberals.
An Olympics booster, Rennie bought 16 full-page ads in newspapers in 2003 to urge people to vote yes in the referendum that asked residents whether they supported hosting the 2010 Winter Games.
Earlier this year, he donated $25,000 to help pay for Vision Coun. Tim Stevenson and former VANOC staffer Maureen Douglas to counter global homophobia in a mission to Sochi, Russia.
Outside of politics, Rennie donated $2 million last year to help with the construction of the $82 million Rosalie and Joseph Segal Family Health Centre at 麻豆传媒映画General Hospital. He did it to honour his mother鈥檚 struggle with dementia.
A patron of the arts, Rennie also operates his own private art gallery in Chinatown and has been critical of the 麻豆传媒映画Art Gallery鈥檚 need for a new, larger facility downtown.
Relentlessly outspoken on many topics, Rennie agrees Victoria has to amend the rules on how campaigns are financed and welcomes specific limits on contributions and spending. Rennie Marketing Systems donated $15,000 to Vision in the 2011 campaign.
鈥淚 think a lot of donors would love to see a cap and make sure the rules are the same for everybody,鈥� he said.
But Rennie believes the bigger concern in civic politics is the lack of participation from the public, which is evident in the chronic low turnout of voters.
鈥淭he people that are complaining about what the Rob Macdonalds or the Bob Rennies of the world do, they should do what they can do,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e all should participate 鈥� and that doesn鈥檛 mean just giving money. It means being out there volunteering and going door to door for people who you believe in.鈥�
PARTY TIME
Vision Vancouver鈥檚 links to wealthy businessmen such as Rennie also extends to other big players in the development industry and union circles.
That mix was on display at a party fundraiser in May.
About 500 guests, who spent $150 each on a ticket, turned up to the Coast Plaza Hotel in the West End on a warm Wednesday night to support Vision.
The mayor and Vision politicians welcomed guests in what resembled a receiving line at a wedding. A choir sang during the handshakes and hellos.
What wasn鈥檛 visible was a private cocktail reception held upstairs prior to the event for some of Vision鈥檚 regular donors.
They included Chuck Keeling of Great Canadian Casino, Concord Pacific鈥檚 Matt Meehan, Lululemon founder Chip Wilson, CUPE B.C. secretary-treasurer Paul Faoro and Jon Stovell of Reliance Properties, who had just a few days earlier donated $7 million to Emily Carr University of Art and Design to launch the institution鈥檚 capital campaign for a new campus.
The day after the fundraiser, Stovell spoke to the Courier and clarified that he doesn鈥檛 belong to any political parties. Also, he said, his company has historically donated money to both Vision and the NPA.
Financial disclosure documents filed at city hall show Reliance Properties gave $25,475 to Vision in the 2011 campaign and $10,000 to the NPA.
鈥淲e believe that across more than one party, we need good people running for municipal government,鈥� he said, emphasizing the need to have competent politicians and bureaucrats at city hall.
With the multi-billion dollar real estate industry in 麻豆传媒映画being heavily regulated, Stovell said 鈥渋t鈥檚 very important that that industry be well thought of in terms of the way it鈥檚 dealt with through the regulatory process.鈥�
He doesn鈥檛 buy the allegations that developers are in the pockets of Vision 麻豆传媒映画and says 鈥渢he real money鈥� his company and others give is in the form of multi-million dollar community amenity contributions used to build community centres, parks and childcare facilities.
鈥淭he idea that the development industry is somehow calling the shots in 麻豆传媒映画is preposterous,鈥� he said. 鈥淵ear in, year out, the amount of public consultation and engagement that needs to occur in development does nothing but go up, and transparency does nothing but go up.鈥�
Like Macdonald and Rennie, Stovell believes more people should participate in local politics and stop complaining when he and others donate money.
鈥淲hether it鈥檚 funding or volunteering or participating as a citizen in forums and the development of policy, those people should never be criticized for what they do,鈥� said Stovell, who is a former member of the city鈥檚 development permit board and holds positions on the heritage commission and Gastown historic area advisory committee. 鈥淭he people who should be questioned are the people who are opting out and then complaining about the outcome.鈥�
Stovell wouldn鈥檛 say whether he favoured limits on campaign donations and spending. That issue, he said, is best sorted out by government.
鈥淚f government thinks that corporate and union donations should be curtailed or cut or limited, then fine we鈥檒l just comply with whatever the will of the people is.鈥�
Various studies and commentary over the years have concluded expensive campaigns are necessary to boost candidates鈥� profiles in Vancouver鈥檚 at-large electoral system.
In 2004, the report of the 麻豆传媒映画Electoral Reform Commission authored by Thomas Berger recommended a ward electoral system would not only decrease the cost of campaigns but give rise to independent candidates; 麻豆传媒映画hasn鈥檛 elected an independent candidate since Carole Taylor in 1988.
The thinking of Berger was that a candidate would only have to campaign in a small section, or ward, in the city and not need big money to mount a run for office. A plebiscite on a ward system in 2004 ultimately failed.
The Courier鈥檚 discussion with Stovell on the topic left him siding with the current party machine system, which he said has existed for decades at all levels of government.
鈥淚鈥檓 not so sure that I鈥檓 interested in fragmented government just for the sake of the perception of the ability for independents to succeed, if it doesn鈥檛 result in good government,鈥� Stovell said. 鈥淕ood government is what matters in the end. Is the city well run? Is the money well spent? Are decisions made promptly and on a timely basis? Is the city healthy, financially, culturally? I don鈥檛 think there鈥檚 evidence that a whole bunch of independents is necessarily going to present a better result there.鈥�
听
$OLIDARITY
As a longtime union leader in Vancouver, Paul Faoro cites two main reasons why his money and that of CUPE B.C. is best spent on supporting Vision 麻豆传媒映画over the NPA.
First, he points to the civic strike in 2007 that saw the city鈥檚 inside, outside and library workers on the picket lines for more than 80 days.
The NPA鈥檚 Sam Sullivan was mayor at the time and Vision 麻豆传媒映画quickly dubbed the dispute 鈥淪am鈥檚 strike,鈥� alleging it was the politician鈥檚 refusal to bargain that prolonged the shutdown of city services.
Second, the current president of the NPA, Peter Armstrong, is also the CEO of Rocky Mountaineer Vacations and locked out 108 of his workers in a dispute in 2011. Replacement workers were hired.
The dispute lasted more than 400 days before workers accepted a three-year deal that is believed to have included a 10 per cent wage rollback.
鈥淚 don鈥檛 think CUPE members are going to want Mr. Armstrong in the third floor at city hall,鈥� said Faoro, who last year became CUPE B.C.鈥檚 secretary-treasurer after leaving his longtime post as head of CUPE Local 15 in Vancouver. 鈥淚f that鈥檚 the way he views frontline workers, locking them out in an ugly dispute...well, that sums it up right there.鈥�
Relationships between CUPE and city hall are much better under Vision, he said, but emphasized the union鈥檚 donations have not influenced that.
鈥淚t鈥檚 not, 鈥榃e鈥檒l give you this money and you鈥檝e got to do this.鈥� It doesn鈥檛 work like that, it鈥檚 never worked like that. It鈥檚 about investing in someone who we think is going to do the right things for the city and for public services in Vancouver.鈥�
Vision鈥檚 pro-union stance was certainly evident in 2011 when six of its councillors sent a letter to the NPA鈥檚 Armstrong, urging him to stop using replacement workers at Rocky Mountaineer and return to the bargaining table.
CUPE B.C. donated $155,300 to Vision in the 2011 election. The union鈥檚 locals, including 麻豆传媒映画locals 1004 and 15, donated a total of $89,200.
Just last week, Courier contributor Bob Mackin of a recent meeting CUPE Local 1004 held with Vision candidates and others including COPE about funding for campaigns.
Vision Coun. Geoff Meggs, who is seeking re-election, is heard on the recording praising the union, saying 鈥渨e know that without your contribution, the city would function very poorly, if at all.鈥�
Added Meggs: 鈥淕regor Robertson, our mayor, has again recommitted to not expand contracting out, to make sure that wherever we can bring in new processes, that members of 1004 will be there delivering those services.鈥�
CUPE has a longtime allegiance with the provincial NDP and continues to ramp up its political action among its union locals in municipalities around the province.
Back in May, CUPE hosted what Faoro called a 鈥減olitical action conference鈥� that featured keynote speaker Jeremy Bird, one of U.S. President Barack Obama鈥檚 senior campaigners.
Dubbed the 鈥渇ield general鈥� by Rolling Stone magazine, Bird 鈥渟hared examples of how the Obama campaigns combined 鈥榦ld school鈥� traditional organizing with modern technology but stressed that no technology can replace hard work and old-fashioned door-to-door campaigning,鈥� according to a post on CUPE鈥檚 website.
Faoro doubts the provincial government will ever ban corporate and union donations from civic campaigns. He doesn鈥檛 see how it would level the playing field.
鈥淵ou still have the Rob Macdonalds of the world able to write a personal cheque for one million bucks,鈥� he said, referring to Macdonald鈥檚 $960,000 in donations to the NPA in the 2011 campaign.
RULES OF THE GAME
As long as the debate has raged in the city about campaigns being the Wild West when it comes to spending, politicians of all stripes have denied treating donors any more favourably than those who haven鈥檛 given a dime.
In fact, at a council meeting earlier this year in which Green Party Coun. Adriane Carr failed to have her colleagues buy in to a voluntary campaign limits scheme, Vision Coun. Tim Stevenson confessed, 鈥淚 don鈥檛 even know what people donate.鈥�
NPA Coun. Elizabeth Ball made the same claim, saying 鈥渕ost of us don鈥檛 have a clue who donated money to either our party or to ourselves because that is not interesting. What鈥檚 interesting is the work we do.鈥�
The mayor missed that meeting but at Vision鈥檚 fundraiser in May, Robertson reiterated the need for Victoria to change rules to get big money out of civic politics.
For now, he said, Vision is playing by the current rules.
Still: Is there an expectation that if a person or business or union gives you a pile of money, that you鈥檙e going to do something for them?
鈥淣o, absolutely not.鈥�
You鈥檝e never had a situation like that?
鈥淣辞.鈥�
The election is Nov. 15.
